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Narratives of Power and Isolation: BJP–RSS Strategy in the India–Pakistan Equation

There is a well-known saying that what elders say carries weight because it is grounded in experience. In many ways, this applies to the current trajectory of India’s politics. The BJP appears to have moved away from the foundational vision of its early leaders, instead projecting Pakistan primarily as a security threat while striving to position India as a hard power. The transition from the Jawaharlal Nehru era to the BJP marks a shift from idealism and inclusivity toward a more assertive civilizational identity. Under Nehru, India was envisioned as a melting pot of religions, deliberately avoiding rigid blocs to maintain moral standing. In contrast, the BJP, aligned with Hindutva ideology, often frames Pakistan as a constant adversary, creating a dynamic that resembles an unending strategic contest.

Following Operation Sindoor, the BJP’s long-held narrative of dominance faced challenges, as Pakistan appeared to gain a more favorable position internationally. Since 2014, the BJP’s approach to isolating Pakistan can be understood as a three-pronged strategy: the ideological grounding of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the political leadership of Narendra Modi, and the diplomatic direction shaped by Subrahmanyam Jaishankar.

To begin with, the RSS serves as the ideological compass of the BJP. It promotes the view that Pakistan is not merely a neighboring state, but an unresolved outcome of 1947. From this perspective, Pakistan challenges the concept of Akhand Bharat, a vision that cannot easily be addressed through conventional diplomacy. The strength of the RSS lies in its grassroots mobilization, where its civilizational narrative is deeply embedded among the public, particularly the youth. As a result, when the BJP government adopts firm policies such as the abrogation of Article 370 or the Balakot Airstrike - the RSS ensures widespread domestic support. This, in turn, makes any move toward reconciliation politically costly without significant concessions.

Secondly, Modi has sought to “de-hyphenate” India from Pakistan in the perception of global powers. His leadership emphasizes India as a rising economic force, while portraying Pakistan as a regional security concern. If Pakistan is no longer grouped within the traditional South Asia framework, as suggested by recent World Bank classifications, then Modi’s efforts to diplomatically isolate Pakistan gain further traction. India can then position itself as the leader of alternative regional groupings such as BIMSTEC, while Pakistan is gradually distanced from South Asian structures like SAARC. This narrative also attempts to redefine regional identity by presenting Pakistan as external to the core Indic civilizational framework..

Thirdly, under S. Jaishankar, Indian diplomacy has shifted from a defensive posture to a more offensive one. This includes leveraging platforms like the Financial Action Task Force to apply financial pressure on Pakistan through mechanisms such as the grey list. At the same time, India has promoted BIMSTEC as an alternative to SAARC, effectively bypassing a regional forum that includes Pakistan. India has consistently framed regional tensions through the lens of cross-border terrorism, shaping a global narrative that positions Pakistan in a predominantly negative light.

The decision by the World Bank to reclassify Pakistan from the South Asia Region (SAR) to the Middle East and North Africa grouping, now expanded as MENAAP (Middle East, North Africa, Afghanistan, and Pakistan), represents a significant shift in development geography. This is not merely an administrative adjustment, but a recognition that Pakistan’s economic and strategic orientation has increasingly tilted westward. For decades, Pakistan has functioned economically as a Middle Eastern-linked state, particularly in terms of labor migration and external balances.

The implications of this shift are complex. While Pakistan’s economic alignment may move toward the Middle East, its environmental and geopolitical concerns such as water sharing under the Indus Waters Treaty and regional air quality remain firmly rooted in South Asia. In effect, the BJP’s regional strategy has contributed to redefining South Asian diplomacy. By isolating Pakistan within the subcontinent, it has, intentionally or otherwise, pushed Pakistan toward a MENA-centered identity. For Pakistan, the central challenge in 2026 is to balance this westward economic shift while safeguarding its geographical and strategic interests, particularly on issues like water and Kashmir, within the South Asian framework.

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